New testimonies from former FDLR fighters and Wazalendo militants indicate that SADC forces are actively supporting these armed groups, supplying them with equipment and reinforcing President Tshisekedi's broader agenda of destabilizing Rwanda's leadership.
These accounts come from ex-FDLR fighters who surrendered to Rwanda after suffering repeated defeats in eastern DRC. Realizing they had no future in the conflict, they chose to flee and share their experiences.
The FDLR's specialized military unit, known as Commando de Recherche et d'Action en Profondeur (CRAP), has been particularly active in these battles, receiving significant backing from the Kinshasa government.
Recently, First Lady Denise Nyakeru Tshisekedi was seen visiting wounded CRAP fighters in the hospital, further confirming the government's ties to the group terrorist group formed by remnant perpetrators of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.
Those who surrendered revealed that SADC forces provided them with weapons and played a crucial role in launching heavy artillery attacks against M23.
Manirahari Sebuyange, one of the former fighters, recounted participating in over fifteen major battles alongside Nyatura, Wazalendo, FARDC, Burundian forces, and SADC. He described how SADC airstrikes directly supported ground offensives against M23.
'In the battle at Kalenga, we fought alongside Burundian forces, FARDC, and Wazalendo. During another engagement in Gicwa, we were supported by FARDC's unit called Hiboux, and SADC, which launched artillery strikes. The FARDC was present, but it was the SADC forces that supplied us with weapons, ammunition, and food,' he revealed.
SADC officially joined the conflict in December 2023 after President Tshisekedi expelled the East African Community (EAC) forces, accusing them of failing to defeat M23.
He then invited SADC troops, with South African forces leading combat operations.However, these troops are now facing mounting challenges and increasing scrutiny. Burundian forces, which share Tshisekedi's political objectives, also form part of this alliance.
Jean Paul Bizimana, another former fighter, explained how SADC's role was primarily to fire artillery at M23 positions while ground forces advanced. He recalled the battle in Sake, where over 2,000 fighters, including FARDC and Wazalendo militants, launched a coordinated attack.
Beyond battlefield operations, former fighters also detailed the internal workings of FDLR, particularly its elite CRAP unit.
This unit comprises five companies: Bombardier, led by Noheli; MIG 35, under Tuyizere Aimable; a third company commanded by Mfitumukiza Benjamin; Boeing, led by Remy; and Apache and Drone, responsible for military operations.
Each company plays a distinct role, with Boeing specifically tasked with protecting senior commanders.
One ex-fighter described the recruitment process, stating that FDLR consists of a mix of young boys, strong men, and elderly individuals.
Recruits undergo military training and are indoctrinated with anti-Rwandan propaganda.
'We were taught to hate Rwanda and its leaders, especially the Tutsis. Anyone who tried to escape was executed,' he admitted.
This threat was not an empty one. Many who attempted to flee were killed, and those suspected of disloyalty were swiftly punished.
One former fighter even admitted to receiving orders to execute comrades suspected of being Rwandan spies.
These former combatants also recounted their encounters with senior FDLR leaders, including Colonel Ruhinda Gaby, the former commander of its special forces, whose real name was Protogène Ruvugayimikore.
Ruhinda was killed in December 2023 during a battle against M23. Manirahari, who once served as his escort, described his duties, which ranged from washing the commander's clothes to carrying his bags and cooking for him.
After Ruhinda's death, the group experienced significant changes. 'We were told to store our weapons and taken to a camp. Soon after, an explosion occurred, and a vehicle sped away. Hours later, they informed us that Ruhinda had been killed by grenade explosions,' Manirahari recounted.
His death led to the appointment of a new commander, Guillaume, under whom Manirahari was reassigned to the MIG 35 company.
Realizing the futility of their fight, many FDLR members eventually decided to surrender. They were particularly influenced by radio broadcasts and testimonies from former combatants who had safely returned to Rwanda.
Turatsinze Eric, one of the returnees, admitted that escaping was incredibly dangerous. 'If they had discovered my plans, I would have been killed,' he said.
However, he managed to reach Goma, which was under M23 control at the time, making his surrender easier.
'Once in Goma, I contacted someone who helped me reach Rwandan authorities. The police received me well, and when I crossed into Rwanda, I had no further issues,' he explained.
All of these former fighters confirmed that the propaganda they had been fed about Rwanda, claims that they would be executed upon arrival, was entirely false.
Now, they urge their former comrades to lay down their arms, emphasizing that continuing to fight only serves the interests of leaders who exploit them.
'Rwanda is peaceful. I was afraid too, but I overcame my fear, and I have had no problems since arriving. We spent years running, but we achieved nothing. They should return home,' Manirahari emphasized.
These revelations about the collaboration between FDLR and SADC forces emerge at a time when pressure is mounting for the withdrawal of SADC troops from DRC, particularly the South African contingent.
Allegations have surfaced that their mission may be serving personal interests, particularly those of South African President Cyril Ramaphosa.
In response, Malawi has already announced plans to withdraw its troops, signaling a shift in regional dynamics and further casting doubt on the true objectives of the SADC deployment in eastern DRC.
IGIHE
